State and Revolution
8.54 / 10 20K ratings
- Language
- English
- Published
- 2019
- Publisher
- Independently Published
- Pages
- 104
- ISBN
- 9781795754613
Vladimir Ilyich Lenin's "State and Revolution" examines the Marxist view of the state as an instrument for perpetuating class exploitation. In this work, Lenin argues that the state is fundamentally a tool for the dominance of the economically elite class, designed to suppress the working class and maintain existing inequalities. He contends that the existing state apparatus cannot simply be seized and used by the proletariat, but must be entirely dismantled and replaced through a revolutionary process. The book critiques those who advocate for reform within the existing state framework, asserting that such approaches are insufficient for achieving genuine societal transformation.
Lenin outlines the necessity of a transitional "dictatorship of the proletariat" to suppress capitalist resistance and establish a new system of worker governance and economic distribution. This transitional state is envisioned to eventually "wither away" as class distinctions fade and a classless society emerges. Written in 1917, this text remains a foundational work for understanding revolutionary Marxism and its perspectives on state power, class struggle, and the path to a communist society.
Lenin outlines the necessity of a transitional "dictatorship of the proletariat" to suppress capitalist resistance and establish a new system of worker governance and economic distribution. This transitional state is envisioned to eventually "wither away" as class distinctions fade and a classless society emerges. Written in 1917, this text remains a foundational work for understanding revolutionary Marxism and its perspectives on state power, class struggle, and the path to a communist society.
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Original edition
State and RevolutionOriginally published in 1917 English Innovative Eggz LLC
Other editions (49)
Listen to the summary Narrated summary
The state, it is revealed, is not a neutral arbiter standing above society, but rather an organ of class rule, an instrument for the oppression of one class by another. It emerges precisely when class antagonisms become irreconcilable, serving to legalize and perpetuate this oppression, creating "order" which, in essence, means sanctioning and solidifying the subjugation of the exploited by the exploiters. This fundamental truth, often obscured by bourgeois ideologues and opportunists, lies at the very heart of understanding the state's true nature.
Examining the historical trajectory, one sees how, through various epochs, the state has consistently functioned to maintain the dominance of the economically elite. From ancient slave-owning societies to feudal systems and then to modern capitalism, the state's apparatus – its special bodies of armed men, its prisons, its bureaucracy – exists to preserve the privileges of the ruling class and to suppress any resistance from the oppressed. Even in the most democratic republics, this underlying function persists, with wealth exercising its power, albeit indirectly.
A profound critique is leveled against those who preach reformism and parliamentary participation, the social democrats who have, by 1917, largely abandoned the revolutionary essence of Marxism. They mistakenly believe that the working class can simply lay hold of the existing state machinery and wield it for its own purposes, or that gradual changes within the bourgeois state can lead to socialism. Such a view, it is argued, is a distortion of Marxist theory, serving only to perpetuate illusions and divert the proletariat from its revolutionary potential. The state, being a product of class irreconcilability, cannot be reformed; it must be smashed.
The path to genuine liberation demands a violent revolution, a forceful overthrow of the existing order. The working class, the proletariat, must break and destroy the old state machine, which is inherently designed to oppress it. This is not a call for the abolition of the state immediately, but for the dismantling of the bourgeois state and its replacement with a new, proletarian state.
This new state, often termed the "dictatorship of the proletariat," is a necessary transitional phase. It is a state of the armed workers, serving as an instrument for the vast majority to suppress the minority of exploiters. Its purpose is to crush the inevitable and desperate resistance of the bourgeoisie, to expropriate the expropriators, and to organize all working and exploited people for a new economic system. It is a state that is democratic for the immense majority of the people, and dictatorial against the exploiters.
The Paris Commune of 1871 stands as a powerful historical example, offering a glimpse into the form this workers' state might take. It demonstrated the crucial features: the replacement of the standing army with the armed people, the election of all officials with the right of recall, the restriction of officials' salaries to workmen's wages, and the abolition of parliamentarianism in favor of workers' councils combining legislative and executive functions. This was not a state in the old sense, but already a "semi-state," beginning to wither away from its very inception.
Ultimately, this dictatorship of the proletariat is itself only a temporary measure. As class distinctions fade, as capitalist exploitation is eliminated, and as society transitions to the higher phase of communism, the need for a state will gradually diminish. With the disappearance of class antagonisms, the state, as an instrument of class oppression, will become unnecessary and will "wither away," leaving behind a truly classless and stateless society where personal freedom can be fully expressed.
Examining the historical trajectory, one sees how, through various epochs, the state has consistently functioned to maintain the dominance of the economically elite. From ancient slave-owning societies to feudal systems and then to modern capitalism, the state's apparatus – its special bodies of armed men, its prisons, its bureaucracy – exists to preserve the privileges of the ruling class and to suppress any resistance from the oppressed. Even in the most democratic republics, this underlying function persists, with wealth exercising its power, albeit indirectly.
A profound critique is leveled against those who preach reformism and parliamentary participation, the social democrats who have, by 1917, largely abandoned the revolutionary essence of Marxism. They mistakenly believe that the working class can simply lay hold of the existing state machinery and wield it for its own purposes, or that gradual changes within the bourgeois state can lead to socialism. Such a view, it is argued, is a distortion of Marxist theory, serving only to perpetuate illusions and divert the proletariat from its revolutionary potential. The state, being a product of class irreconcilability, cannot be reformed; it must be smashed.
The path to genuine liberation demands a violent revolution, a forceful overthrow of the existing order. The working class, the proletariat, must break and destroy the old state machine, which is inherently designed to oppress it. This is not a call for the abolition of the state immediately, but for the dismantling of the bourgeois state and its replacement with a new, proletarian state.
This new state, often termed the "dictatorship of the proletariat," is a necessary transitional phase. It is a state of the armed workers, serving as an instrument for the vast majority to suppress the minority of exploiters. Its purpose is to crush the inevitable and desperate resistance of the bourgeoisie, to expropriate the expropriators, and to organize all working and exploited people for a new economic system. It is a state that is democratic for the immense majority of the people, and dictatorial against the exploiters.
The Paris Commune of 1871 stands as a powerful historical example, offering a glimpse into the form this workers' state might take. It demonstrated the crucial features: the replacement of the standing army with the armed people, the election of all officials with the right of recall, the restriction of officials' salaries to workmen's wages, and the abolition of parliamentarianism in favor of workers' councils combining legislative and executive functions. This was not a state in the old sense, but already a "semi-state," beginning to wither away from its very inception.
Ultimately, this dictatorship of the proletariat is itself only a temporary measure. As class distinctions fade, as capitalist exploitation is eliminated, and as society transitions to the higher phase of communism, the need for a state will gradually diminish. With the disappearance of class antagonisms, the state, as an instrument of class oppression, will become unnecessary and will "wither away," leaving behind a truly classless and stateless society where personal freedom can be fully expressed.
What other readers say
Liked
Many reviewers praise "The State and Revolution" as a thorough, well-written, and essential work for understanding Marxist theory of the state. It is highly regarded for its detailed examination of the state's role after a revolution, drawing clear distinctions between communist, social democratic, and anarchist viewpoints. Readers found Lenin's writing to be insightful, particularly in his analysis of capitalism, bourgeois democracy, and the mechanisms of class conflict. The book is lauded for clarifying complex concepts such as the "dictatorship of the proletariat" and the historical function of the state. Reviewers frequently highlight its value as an enlightening introduction to class society and the state, noting its succinctness and direct approach. The work is also seen as relevant for contemporary discussions on political power and socialist thought.
Disliked
Despite its praised clarity, several criticisms of the book and its implications are raised by reviewers. Some find Lenin's arguments not entirely convincing, particularly regarding his selective interpretations of earlier theorists or the obscurity of his concept of "smashing" the state. A significant point of contention is the retrospective view that the book's ideas, especially the "dictatorship of the proletariat," ultimately led to authoritarianism, centralism, and immense human suffering in subsequent historical events, serving as a warning against revolutionary hubris. Reviewers also point out that certain sections of the book are less engaging or necessary than others. Furthermore, some suggest that Lenin's theories are based on a naive understanding of human nature and economic organization, exhibiting an almost unscientific belief in the infallibility of earlier Marxist thinkers. A common observation is that the book often requires a strong background in historical and philosophical contexts to fully grasp its arguments.
In short
In conclusion, "The State and Revolution" is widely considered a pivotal and indispensable text for anyone seeking to understand Lenin's political thought and the Marxist theory of the state. While it is celebrated for its analytical depth and historical significance, it is also viewed critically for the perceived authoritarian implications of its proposals and the disconnect between its theoretical vision and historical outcomes. The book is highly recommended for students of political science, those interested in communism, socialism, Soviet history, or Marxist-Leninism, and readers who wish to delve deeply into Lenin's perspective on revolution and state power. It is particularly valuable for understanding the ideological debates preceding the Russian Revolution and for prompting critical reflection on the nature of the state and pathways to social change.
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